On Feb. 1, 2012, Senator Marco Rubio (R-FL) rallied pro-life supporters at the Susan B. Anthony List’s (SBA List) fifth annual Campaign for Life Gala in Washington, D.C., saying that the country “can never truly become what it fully was intended to be unless it deals with [abortion] squarely…it’s that important.” Rubio also noted that America can do nothing more important than show the world that “all life is worthy of protection.”
Senator Marco Rubio (R-FL)
SBA List Campaign for Life Gala, February 1, 2012
Thank youâŚ. First of all, that was an incredibly nice introduction. I, uh — She read it just like I wrote it, but thank you so much for â she actually is a pretty big deal herself, so letâs give her a hand. Sheâs doing a phenomenal job, sheâs earned the respect of her colleagues, not just on issues of national defense, where sheâs become a real leader, but on issues of fiscal policy. Earlier in the year I had an opportunity to do something they called a â what do they call it, a colloquy or? â We went back and forth on the jobs issue â I think it was one of my most highest-rated Youtube videos on my personal page and I donât think it was because of me, because she was in it, so â and so sheâs doing a phenomenal job on that as well, and sheâs doing a great job on a number of things â it represents an important state in our country â and more importantly, and Iâll speak to you about that in a moment, is a real strong advocate for life. And itâs not as â I think youâre the, if Iâm not mistaken, the only pro-life female senator, so you are a caucus of one in that issue. So weâre honored — Iâm honored by your words, and weâre honored by your presence, and more importantly, weâre honored by your stance on life, and we need to get you some company in the U.S. Senate now.
Kelly and I have a lot in common. We have young families; we were both elected at the same class; our last names end in vowels; and, uh, with all due respect, I donât mean to offend anybody in the U.S. Senate, we are significantly, I would say, younger than the median age of the United States Senate. But I donât mean that as a criticism; on the contrary, I was speaking to one of our colleagues tonight, I told him I would be coming here to the Susan B. Anthony event. He said he knew Susan B. Anthony. He said Susan B. Anthony was a friend of his, and he said I was no Susan B. Anthony. So anyway, now, that happened tonight. The truth about the Senate â I had this great line that someone told me â you heard the same thing â when we got to it, he said, look, when you first get there â and it was absolutely true, you first get to the United States Senate, you look around these rooms where youâre having lunch and these, you know, to the left of you is somebody youâve been seeing for years on Meet the Press, to the right thereâs somebody that ran for President, you know, these just really historic figures, and you ask yourself, how did I get here? How did I make it here? Well, about six months later, you ask yourself, how did they get here?
So, anyway, so thank you for having me. I actually had â this is such an important issue for me, that I had written out a speech â some of the things I wanted to say to you tonight, and then I lost it. So I brought my â I re-wrote them in like a note here, so youâll forgive me, Iâm a little disjointed. And the teleprompter was broken. We werenât able to â we sent it to the teleprompter shop but someone else in Washington was apparently in the shop ahead of us. So, anyway, so we, uh, weâre gonna have to wait to get that one back. So Iâll just kinda go off my notes here.
But let me just start by saying how honored I am to be a part of this event tonight, and really blown away to see so many of you that are involved, that give not just money but time to this extraordinarily important cause. I was really inspired to see the young women that stood on the stage moments ago. Because I understand that in the culture that we live in today, itâs difficult to be pro-life, even though â by the way, I always chuckle, âcause, when I was running for office, throughout my career, Iâve been consistently pro-life â throughout my life â and people â I always laugh as some characterize that as âradical,â even though all the polls show that at least, at a minimum, half of the people in this country agree with me. So for â I donât understand why a 50% position â at a minimum, by the way, âcause other polling indicates that in fact when you dig deeper, between 70 and 75% of Americans really agree with us at the end of the day in terms of seeing significant restrictions on abortions. I never quite understood why people would say that. So that alone indicates the mindset that exists among those that cover politics and make commentary on politics, is that somehow being pro-life is a radical position. Being a young person whoâs pro-life makes those comments happen even more often, and being a young woman thatâs pro-life, of all the things that could happen, is perhaps the most â you get perhaps more pressure there, and more scorn, than any other demographic in our country when it comes to that issue. So as we look at these young women that came here tonight, and not are just pro-life, but are working on behalf of life as a fundamental tenet of our society, Iâm inspired by that, and I really wanted to thank them, and everyone else who wasnât recognized, but is also part of that movement, and all of you for making it possible for them to do that.
Being in politics, being in the Senate, I give a lot of speeches about a lot of things, tax policy, the national debt â these are all very important issues. These are important political issues, and policy decisions that confront our country. The issue of life is not a political issue, nor is it a policy issue. Itâs a definitional issue. It is a basic, core issue that every society needs to answer, and the answer that it gives on that issue ends up defining which kind of society you have. Thatâs how important the issue is. And what I wanted to do briefly tonight for a few moments is just encourage all of you that are involved in this cause, because I know that sometimes itâs easy to get discouraged, especially those that enter the public arena â you take a beating for being pro-life from those who cover politics too often. And I think sometimes it has a tendency to wear people down. Sometimes â listen, I, when I criticize people, I always include myself â sometimes you feel like, maybe letâs just not touch that issue today, because it divides people, letâs just focus on the 80% issues, and the stuff people want you to talk about, and I know I have, and many of you have as well, had people tell you, why do you have to talk about that? It makes us uncomfortable. Why do you have to speak about this issue, it divides people, just focus on the economic issues, focus on the economy, focus on jobs, focus on the national debt. Thatâs what people want to hear about. Well, we canât do that. Because the national debt is important, the economy is important, and it is the central political issue of our time. But this is not a political issue. In fact, this is an issue that especially for those who enter the public arena and refuse to leave our faith behind speaks to more than just our politics. It speaks to what we want to do with the opportunity weâve been given in our life, to serve, and to glorify our Creator. And so thatâs what this issue is about, as well.
But as â let me just say at the outset, there are multiple reasons to be pro-life, not the least of which is that Roe vs. Wade is bad Constitutional law, irrespective of how you feel about the issue. It is bad law. It is perhaps the most egregious and devastating example of a court that has decided that because the political branch will not deal with an issue they believe is important, theyâre gonna step in and make a policy decision. They literally create a Constitutional right out of nothing for the purpose of advocating a specific political position. So just on the legal grounds alone is enough reason to be against Roe vs. Wade.
Thereâs one I wonât go into in depth tonight because a) I donât have to, and b) itâs not why you wanted me to speak, and thereâs a spiritual aspect to this, which is very real, and I donât â I think virtually every faith condemns the practice of abortion, recognizes that life is a gift from the Creator, and compels followers to believe that as well, as a basic tenet of your faith. So, from â at the spiritual realm, there are multiple ways to defend this. But I think the one I want to focus on tonight, not because itâs any more important than the other ones, is there are pure, logical, public policy reasons why abortion is bad for America, bad for our society, and bad for our people, and why it — why Roe vs. Wade should be overturned.
Now, the argument is that there is a fundamental right to abortion in America. That is the argument that those in the pro-abortion, so-called pro-choice community would say, that there is a fundamental right to abortion. Women in this country have a right to have an abortion. So whatâs the source of this right? As you engage people in this conversation â by the way, Iâve never met anyone whoâs admitted to me that theyâre pro-abortion. Theyâll say theyâre pro-choice, but almost everyone Iâve ever met has told me they personally disagree with abortion, they just think it should be legal, so thatâs pretty indicative already of â as a starting point of what the issue is about.
But, where does this fundamental right to abortion come from? You engage people that believe in what they call abortion rights, and sometimes hereâs what theyâll say, theyâll point to the circumstances of the pregnancy. Theyâll say, well itâs an unwanted child. This is a child thatâs gonna enter life and not be wanted, not be cared for, their parents donât want them, perhaps, you know — Thereâs a lot of unwanted children in the world. There are a lot of unwanted children in the world that are born. We know that they exist in this country, but especially all over the world. That cannot be the justification for this. Because if it was, then that would justify by logic that somehow all those unwanted children as well should be dealt with in a similar manner, and thatâs a horrific conclusion. Itâs an indefensible position. And so that cannot be the source of this right. And quickly they move on from the argument because itâs absurd and they donât want to think about it. When they say that to you, that this is an unwanted child, and you say to them, listen, thereâs a lot of unwanted children that are born all over this planet, theyâre orphaned, theyâre born disabled, theyâre born to families that canât afford them â you canât possibly be saying that those children should also be eliminated. And so they move quickly away from that argument because it makes no sense and itâs indefensible.
The most common argument that I hear then, they quickly pivot is to the argument of well, itâs our body. Itâs a womanâs body, and a woman has a right to do anything they want with her body. And letâs recognize right now, there is a fundamental right â there is a right to control your body, you do have a right to your body, thereâs no doubt about it. You do have a right to decide what to do with your body and what others can do to it, thereâs no doubt about it. But there is another right. And thatâs a right to live. And so, when you analyze this issue of pro-life vs. pro-choice in America, what we basically have are two rights that are in conflict with one another, and we as a society must solve, what do you do when two rights are in conflict with one another? And what we have here on the one hand is a womanâs right to choose, whatever they mean by that, directly in conflict with an unborn childâs right to live. And the fundamental question for our society is, how do you resolve a conflict like that, when two fundamental rights that everyone recognizes exist, are in conflict with one another?
And so immediately the other side will say, well our right to choose is more important than the right to live. And theyâll say the reason why â the first argument they almost always relate to is because itâs not a person, an embryo is not a person, a fetus is not a person. Itâs not a person yet. Say well, if itâs not a person, then what is it? Because if you left it alone, thatâs the only thing it can become. It canât develop into a cat! *laughter* So what â if itâs not a â it has the DNA of a person and it was certainly created by people. And left to nature, it will become a person, naturally. So it is a person. Then theyâll argue, well, okay, maybe it is a person, but itâs not a life. Say what do you mean, itâs not a life? Well, itâs not a life, because the first argument â the one they love to talk about is viability. Itâs not a life because it cannot sustain itself without the person who has a right to choose â it cannot live outside the womb. That argument first and foremost is already a slippery slope because viabilityâs a moving target. Viability in 1973 means something very different than what it means today medically. Children that were not viable back then are very viable now, and we have no idea what other advances are gonna occur over the next few years, so if you build it on that, youâre already on slippery sand.
Then they go on and say, well, theyâre not viable without the support of the mother. But that also canât be a good argument. Because a newborn isnât viable without the mother either! A one-year-old child, a two-year-old child â leave a two-year-old child by himself. *laughter* Leave a six-month-old child by themselves; theyâre not viable either! Even the day you were born, and for years thereafter â some of you are chuckling because, leave a 19-year-old by themselves! *laughter, applause* My point is, this viability thingâs not a good argument. Because the truth is that a child that has been born isnât viable by themselves either. Just because theyâre not receiving nutrition through an umbilical cord doesnât mean that they can sustain themselves. And by the way, the third reason the viability thing doesnât work is because you apply it to the other spectrum of life, and you start to get scary. It starts to get scary. If in fact what we are saying is that human beings are only worthy of protection if they are able to sustain themselves independently of other people, that covers a lot of people in our society. It covers people that are disabled, it covers people that are temporarily incapacitated â it covers a lot of people. And so, there is no compelling argument for why a womanâs right to choose trumps a childâs right to live. There isnât any.
The fact of the matter is that we as a society, as a nation, from a political realm, have always understood that my rights, as important as they may be, my rights end where other peopleâs rights begin. Yes, a woman should have a right to choose the kinds of things that happen to her body. But that right is not unlimited. It ends when it begins to interfere with the right of another human being to pursue life, to have a life. And thatâs at the core of this issue. Thatâs really what this issue is about at its heart. And an increasing number of people are understanding that. I think the public polling shows it. And I hope that it will continue to be reflected in our political debate. Because this is an essential issue. You see, Iâm convinced that â well, letâs ask ourselves, then why, if thatâs the case, if this is such a clear-cut argument, if itâs so simple the way youâve laid it out, and itâs not more complex than this, then why is the law of the land what it is, why are 50% of the people in this country, maybe a little less now, pro-choice? Why do they disagree with the things youâve just said?
And the answer is, because in this equation, in this battle between the right to choose and the right to live, the only ones who can vote are the ones with the right to choose. The only ones who can participate in the political process are the ones with the right to choose. An unborn child canât vote; an unborn child canât speak. Actually, they can. You speak for them. Thatâs what you are. In this competition between two competing sets of rights, you are the voice of children that cannot speak for themselves. Of lives that may never have a chance to contribute to our society and make a difference.Of the unknown names of millions of children whose contributions to our world will never happen because the right to life was not respected. You vote for them when you vote. You participate in the political process when you participate. This is who you work for. Real people, no longer with us, who never had the chance to do what you or I did. And just as importantly, you are the voice and the vote of countless other children who have yet to be created, but whose life will soon be challenged as well.
The truth is, I believe in all my heart that future generations will look back at this era in American history and condemn us. Theyâll look at whatâs happened here since 1973, and they will characterize this nation as barbarians. At some point, hopefully in our lifetime, but certainly at some point, people will look back at this practice and say, how could that be possible? In the way that we look back at the atrocities of the past, at things that occurred 100, 200, 300 years ago,at institutions that we as a nation banned and look at and say, how could people have supported this stuff? How could people have turned a blind eye to these things? How could people have ignored that these things were happening? The way we look at those things in history and condemn them, this era will be condemned for this. I have no doubt about it. Our job is to accelerate the process of getting there, to ensure that sooner rather than later, and God willing, in our lifetime, we can arrive to a consciousness in this nation that this is wrong. That the right to life is a fundamental one that trumps virtually any other right I can imagine. Because without it, none of the other rights matter. There can be no liberty without life. There canât be a Constitution without life. There canât be a nation without life. And there canât be other lives without life. I canât imagine any other right that we have more fundamental and more important than this one. And so the reason Iâm so excited about the young people that are involved in this is because sometimes in contemporary life in America, we come to believe that all the great causes are something lost to history, that past generations fought all the great battles: abolition, the civil rights movement, womenâs suffrage. That all the great causes have already been fought and won. Itâs not true. In fact, maybe one of the most important battles that has ever been fought is the one youâre engaged in now. And so I encourage you to remain involved. Because at the end of the day, our nation can never truly become what it fully was intended to be unless it deals with this issue squarely. America cannot truly fulfill its destiny unless this issue is resolved. Itâs that important.
And I know that itâs tough, I know. Especially for young people, I know that itâs tough. When you take this position in public office or public policy, people look at you as an intolerant person. Oh, heâs intolerant. Oh, theyâre radicals. Oh, youâre trying to impose your religion on us. I understand the challenges to taking a position on this. But this issueâs so important that itâs different from the others. And this is where my faith comes in, and I hope most of yours as well. You see, I think our life here is important and everything we do here matters. This is now at the personal level, Iâm no longer even speaking as a Senator, nor trying to impose what I believe on anybody else, Iâm just sharing with you why this issueâs important to me. And Iâll tell you why. Because Iâve felt the same pressures. Iâve had people tell me, gosh, we love your tax policy, we love your fiscal policy, just donât do the social stuff on us, I donât want to hear about it. Turns people off, Iâve heard that too. And it gets to you sometimes. And I think, from now and then â probably not the people in this room â people are guilty of saying, letâs just tone that one down. This is not the time for that. And then you realize that, you know, the office that we have is important, but this stuffâs all fleeting. Comes and goes, youâre a Senator today, you wonât be tomorrow, youâre in office today, you lose your next election. But at least my faith teaches that this life will end, you live â youâre lucky, you live 80 years ⌠youâll still be a Senator *laughter*, and then youâll be held to account. Whatever your faith teaches you, they almost all teach the same thing: you will be held to account. At least in my case, Iâm gonna be asked very squarely, I know this. Look at what I gave you, God will say. I brought your family out of extraordinarily bad circumstances, and gave them opportunities. I gave you the opportunity to do things that your family never had a chance to do. I blessed you with children, who are healthy and vibrant and make a lot of noise. I blessed you with parents that encouraged you to dream, and a wife that supported you in pursuit of those dreams. I opened doors for you that you never thought were possible. When you polled below the margin of error in the first polls they took in your Senate race. When the only people who thought you could win your election all lived in your house. And when most of them were under the age of 10! I gave you the ability to speak to people and influence people. What did you do with it? And what am I gonna say, oh I had really good poll numbers. I got re-elected three times. I raised more money than anybody ever had. I was popular, people loved me; they patted me on the back, they gave me nice introductions. Thatâs what Iâm gonna say I did with that? The more you are given, the more that is expected of you.
And thatâs not just true for us as people, thatâs true for us as a nation. Americaâs not great because weâre smarter than other people or we work harder than anybody else. There are smart and hardworking people all over the world. America is great because God has blessed America, and America has always honored those blessings by being an example to the world. For 230-some-odd years, there has been nothing more powerful on this planet than the American example. And the way we live our lives, and the principles we stood for â they donât always agree with the things we do, they disagree with our foreign policy, they get frustrated at America. But they admire us. Because when we get involved around the world, almost always itâs behind principles and ideals. And so we are a blessed nation. And weâre not just blessed so we can have. Weâre also blessed so we can give. And thereâs nothing that America can give this world right now more important than to show that all life, irrespective of the circumstances of its creation, irrespective of the circumstances of its birth, irrespective of the conditions that they find themselves in, all life, in a planet where life is increasingly not valued, in a planet where people are summarily discarded, all life is worthy of protection, and all life enjoys Godâs love.
We are called to different tasks, whatever that may be. If we stand for these things, if we honor God in these things, Heâll honor us. Heâll bless us. He wonât always give us what we want, but Heâll always give us what we need. And you will know that you lived your life with purpose, and that in all the things you did, you honored the blessings that you had. And if we as a nation do this, well, God will continue to do what He has done for 230-some-odd years, blessed us like no other people in all of human history. This is the great cause before us. And I encourage you to stay engaged and involved. If I falter at some point, remind me of the speech tonight. I hope not to. I donât expect to. And with your help, we wonât. So thank you so much, I appreciate it. Thank you very much.
